2 weeks ago
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The past year made clear that the Israeli-Palestinian question is not going anywhere, just like the several million Israelis and Palestinians living between “the river and the sea” are there to stay. Moreover, the issue is deeply interwoven with other trouble spots in the Middle East, as the current confrontation between Israel and Hezbollah demonstrates.
Since the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, world leaders have wracked their brains over how to return quiet to the Middle East and prevent new escalations. While initial efforts have focused on avoiding further human suffering, all parties realize that a longer term, more sustainable solution needs to be found for “the day after.”
Israelis, Palestinians and international players obviously do not agree on what that solution should look like. The “one-state reality” discourse that appeared to gain traction just a few years ago seems to have all but vanished, whereas calls for a type of Israeli-Palestinian confederation have recently been reiterated. Official positions in the U.S., Europe and parts of the Arab world still go out from the two-state solution, the feasibility of which was heavily scrutinized mere weeks before Oct. 7, 2023, at the occasion of the Oslo Accords' 30th anniversary. Current attempts at restoring calm in the Middle East, led mainly by the U.S., focus on some kind of Palestinian self-governance, including in the Gaza Strip, in the context of a shot at regional stabilization hinging on Israeli-Saudi normalization.
But whatever happens next, no outcome will be tenable if diplomatic efforts do not address the structural entrenchment of Israeli and Palestinian narratives (in plural) in their respective communities. High diplomacy needs to include a plan to deal with the conflict’s impact on those aspects of society that directly affect daily life.
Indeed, even if a political agreement is reached and ratified, it will not be able to hold if school systems, media coverage, remembrance ceremonies and the historical-cultural valorization of public space continue to antagonize most Israelis and Palestinians, as is the case today. The century-old conflict with multiple interwoven responsibilities has produced many narratives that are not necessarily untrue, but most often very partial and hence mutually exclusive.
Crucially, these narratives are profoundly anchored in the daily lives of millions of people on both sides who, prey to deep fear and mistrust, see them confirmed time and again.
International actors therefore must, along with high-level talks aimed at brokering a political agreement, bring Israeli and Palestinian leaders to seriously rethink the governance areas affected by the conflict. Only outside parties can do so with the required distance and be even-handed when pointing out shortcomings.
For instance, incitements to violence and hatred in Palestinian textbooks have been recognized as a crucial factor that may even trump any internationally coordinated initiative towards peaceful Palestinian self-governance in Gaza. However, although a review of the Palestinian school system seems to recommend itself, it would be only fitting that the Israeli side — with its factionalized educational landscape — undergo an assessment process as well, as young Israelis can definitely learn a thing or two about the Palestinians they know as enemies, but usually have never actually met.
A societal mapping of the entrenchment of Israeli and Palestinian narratives is thus critical. It does not need to start from scratch, however. Other conflict areas in the world recovering from recent conflicts — such as Northern Ireland and South Africa — provide examples to learn from, through both their successes and their failures. Moreover, structural action through government and administration will benefit from and in turn enhance the work of many of grassroots initiatives that have brought together Israelis and Palestinians through music, sports and nature (to name but a few), and continue to do so today while adapting to the current dire situation.
Any societal process is by definition a long one, and tackling built-in mistrust between Israelis and Palestinians may well take a generation or two. It is nonetheless of the utmost importance in order to avoid the emergence of “spoilers,” as happened during the Oslo process.
Moreover, this type of approach presents two related advantages that are particularly relevant to the current moment. Compared to “pure” high diplomacy, this method is more incremental in nature, since it directs efforts to the areas where they are most necessary and can constitute “gradual wins,” as opposed to end goals that seem unattainable at present.
Furthermore, while work on the societal entrenchment of narratives is critical to implementing any political agreement, it does not dictate any political outcome as such. Therefore, it is the right step — perhaps the only one — to take in a context of heightened tension and instability, as well as inconclusive debates about political solutions.
The current state of the Israeli-Palestinian question is the result of complex processes and intricacies. It is up to the main actors who witnessed its entanglement — the U.S., Europe and the Arab world — to start unraveling it. While a diplomatic push carried forward by strong leaders is needed, a fine-grained approach to the conflict’s impact on society is equally essential.
Even if the disentanglement takes another 100 years, it is still worth it, as better futures for both Israelis and Palestinians depend on each other and will continue to do so.
Dr. Alexander Loengarov managed the EU’s grant scheme for academic mobility with Israeli and Palestinian partners in its first three years. A former official of the European Economic and Social Committee, he is a senior affiliated fellow with the international law department at KU Leuven (Belgium). His views as expressed here are not necessarily those of any of his employers or any other institution.
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